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Special Article
Muslim Struggle in Southern PhilippinesI
By Dr. Mozammel Haque
The Moro
Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), a hostage crisis perpetrated by the extremist
Abu Sayyaf group, and a wave of bombings in Manila’s main shopping malls
– all these events helped to bring the South Philippines issue into focus,
injecting gloom in the political outlook in the country. Thus the political,
economic and cultural scenario of the Philippines has undergone a radical
transformation recently. Violence is rife in the south where Moro Muslims
are fighting for an independent homeland. This ongoing conflict in the
Mindanao region has to be studied in the context of the social, cultural
and economic issues of the region, as some of the worst-off areas in central
and western Mindanao are inhabited by a sizeable Muslim population.
The question
is: what are the grievances and demands of these Moro people? How have
the successive Manila governments been responding to their demands? What
are the alternatives which can be tried to resolve the crisis? Before
attempting to find the answers to these queries, it is worthwhile to find
out who these Moro people are and where do they stand in relation to their
fellow-countrymen.
Historical
Background
Land, people
and their history: Mindanao is inhabited by millions of Moros who are
the indigeneous inhabitants of these islands. “Mindanao is often cited
as a potential engine of economic growth for the entire Philippines. The
country’s second largest island is home to tropical idylls perfect for
tourism; its fertile soil and position outside the typhoon belt make it
ideal for agri-business. Its seas are rich in fish and the land boasts
deposits of copper and gold,” wrote Deidre Sheehan in the Far Eastern
Review recently. But Mindanao also has 15 of the poorest provinces in
the country, the lowest literacy rate (75 percent), and the lowest life
expectancy (57 years). Some of the worst-off areas, in central and western
Mindanao, have 19 percent of the region’s population, which is largely
Muslim. Inspite of that, Mindanao contributes 18 percent of the country’s
economic output.
The Spanish
and American colonization never reached these isolated Muslims. Unlike
Moros, the Filipinos surrendered their land, honour and dignity to become
subjects of the Spanish Crown and remained thereafter in bondage for 377
years. On the contrary, the Moros resisted and fought the Spanish colonizers
for the same length of time. It is for this reason that the Moros survived
as a people with distinct religious, social, cultural and political identity
for centuries. In the beginning of the 20th
Century, the Americans had come into terms with the Bangsamoro people
under the Bates Treaty of 1902 and the Carpenter Agreement of 1915. Under
the terms of the Treaty of Paris in 1898, The Philippines was bought by
the US from Spain.
Through
a series of unjust and inhuman legislations, the whole island was declared
public property, and, as such, all land-holdings of the Moros were confiscated
and subsequently expropriated by the Christian settlers from Luzon. The
government simply grabbed the lands of the Moros and gave the same to
its “own people” – the Christian Filipino settlers from the north. One
example of “legalized “ injustices committed against the Moros is the
Quirino Recto Colonization Act of February 12, 1935 – a law without the
slightest reservation in calling Mindanao and Sulu its colonies.
The floodgates
of resettlement of the people from the north were opened in 1935 and continued
until 1976 through 1986, that resulted in the settlement of nearly four
million Christians from the northern and central Philippines, which consequently
increased to their current number to form a majority. Thus, the demography
of Mindanao and Sulu was changed in favour of the Christians.
In fact,
the inhabitants of Sulu and Mindanao protested violently against the US-Filipino
conspiracy of incorporating their homeland as part of independent Philippines,
immediately after the July 4, 1946 declaration of independence till date,
the Moros, particularly the Taosugs, continue their struggle against the
Philippine government’s illegal usurpation of their ancestral homelands.
It is for this reason that Manila adopted the Torren System of land distribution
by sending nearly four million northern Christian Filipino settlers to
Mindanao and Sulu between 1933 and 1976 with the sole purpose of changing
the demography of the islands. Thus the contrast in history between the
Filipinos or Indios and the Moros speaks well of the spirit of freedom
and aspirations for sovereignty of the latter.
Jolo island,
960 kilometres (600 miles) south of Manila, which is in the limelight
presently for the hostage crisis, is a stronghold of Abu Sayyaf. It is
98 percent Muslim and survives on fish and seaweed for nourishment. Except
for its seaweeds that find their way to the US and European markets, it
has no significant businesses. More than half the population is unemployed
and illiteracy is rampant.
The mayor
of Jolo town traces fishing rights to the core of the rebellion and the
abject poverty of the predominantly Muslim Jolo, 70% of whose population
is dependent on small-scale fishing, but trawlers from Manila and other
major ports “are the ones invading our seas; there is no means of controlling
it. The navy and the coast guard do not have sufficient patrol boats to
drive the trawlers away.”
Conflict
with Muslim fighters has raged on and off since the early 1970s, leaving
more than 120,000 dead by government estimates, and stunting economic
growth in the impoverished region. Moro Muslims have been fighting a secessionist
war for the last 24 years for a separate state in the region. The Manila
government adopted a divide-and-rule strategy that culminated with the
Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) signing a peace treaty in 1996 that
granted the large Muslim minority limited self-rule in four Mindanao provinces
and had Nur Misuari elected the governor of the Autonomous Region of Muslim
Mindanao (ARMM). This left out the 15,000-strong Moro Islamic Liberation
Front (MILF), a 1978 offshoot of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF),
most of whose members were former fighters of the MNLF.
Thus, at present, there are mainly three parties: the Manila government;
the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC), which is mediating the dispute
and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), which signed a peace agreement
with the government in September, 1999. Another breakaway faction is the
15,000-strong armed men belonging to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
(MILF), which has kept on fighting for an independent state in Mindanao.
Then there is a small band headed by the notorious Abu Sayyaf, which is
holding more than a dozen hostages on Jolo Island, with no clear-cut objectves.
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